Because agencies are run by unelected, government bureaucrats who are beholden to nobody but the person who appointed them. They don’t care what the voters think or want or don’t want. They don’t need to care. They don’t need your vote to stay in power. They only have to appease the politician(s) who appointed them. If they just follow the yellow brick road, they will land on the other side of the rainbow.
The WHO, most likely with the complicity of your government, is pushing through a set of amendments to international pandemic laws that will put your livelihood and liberties at the mercy of a WHO-appointed “expert committee” whose advice during a pandemic or other “public health emergency” will supersede that of your own government.
If Article 4 becomes law, the French government will have openly declared itself as totalitarian. The effects will ripple across Europe. For centuries, even long before the European Union, the fate of Europe has often been like a chain of dominoes, with France or Germany usually the first one tipped over. Can France – and Europe – be saved?
The Department of Child Protection (DCP) must pay compensation and medical expenses to a youth worker who developed pericarditis after getting a Covid booster under a workplace vaccination directive, the South Australian Employment Tribunal has ruled.
A new pandemic treaty is in the works. Countries are negotiating its terms, along with amendments to international health regulations. If ready in time, the World Health Assembly will approve them in May. The deal may give the WHO power to declare global health emergencies. Countries will promise to follow WHO directives. Lockdowns, vaccine mandates, travel restrictions, and more will be in the works. Critics say that the agreements will override national sovereignty because their provisions will be binding. But international law is the art of the Big Pretend.
There is a legal thing called “Chevron deference” and it has encouraged the massive growth of the power and scope of the bureaucratic state over the past 40 years. Named after a 1984 legal case, the doctrine holds (in a nutshell) that courts must defer to the wisdom of the implied expertise of a government agency when deciding certain legal questions.
It is clear beyond any doubt that bans simply don’t work. I was a child during the “Just Say No” anti-drug campaign. Drugs were banned, and yet always available. Chicago has banned guns for years and yet has incredibly high gun violence. We banned smiles, playgrounds, and normal personal interaction for years in order to ban Covid and we still catch Covid.
The Canadian government’s use of the Emergencies Act was unlawful. The Trucker Convoy did not constitute a national emergency. So said a judge of the Federal Court on Tuesday. The decision may help to pull Canada back from the brink of authoritarian rule.
This year I suffered the most significant and unbelievable legal upset of my 25-year-career thus far, when the New York State Appellate Division overturned my “quarantine camp” lawsuit victory over Governor Kathy Hochul and her Department of Health on a fabricated technicality!
In a legalistic technocracy such as ours, the power to determine what is and is not investigated and what is and is not charged is the true prerogative of princes. It determines who may act abhorrently and who must be always looking over their shoulder for fear of a tap from leviathan.
One doesn’t have to look too hard, these days, to find examples of foolish patronising poseurs – the various chambers of our state and federal parliaments are ‘target-rich environments,’ as they say. A case in point has come to my attention, compelling me to expose the utter contempt in which some parliamentarians hold their constituents.
Fortunately, the cries of the Covid-19 vaccine-injured have been heard by some in the halls of Congress. Representative Lloyd Doggett (D-TX) has introduced the comprehensive bipartisan Vaccine Injury Compensation Modernization Act (H.R. 5142) and the Vaccine Access Improvement Act (H.R. 5143). This legislation would not only transfer Covid-19 injury claims to the VICP, but would also make that program far more efficient with increasingly robust benefits for the injured.